The mainstream media, as well as the entertainment industry, relies on drama, palace intrigue, and mysterious “what ifs?” to keep its dwindling audience watching its awful programming. After all, no one wants to look forward to a 49-0 football score, or in the event of a pending political drubbing, a juggernaut steamrolling a field that is fundamentally unable to compete. I nailed Nikki Haley’s presidential announcement in my predictions for 2023, which I released in January, and I am confident more of my predicted candidates will emerge in the field.
One candidate I did not name as a predicted entry is Florida Governor Ron DeSantis, a glaring omission that did not go unnoticed by my SubStack readers. Indeed, the hypothetical boxing promotional poster is already being drawn up by the mainstream media, political commentariat, truth community, and even the dark puppet masters of the world. Without Trump versus DeSantis in 2024, the Republican primary will have all the intrigue of a season-opening football matchup between LSU and Central Rhode Island Technical College, played in the sweltering August heat in Death Valley, with the smell of booze and corndogs so strong it could be cut with a knife.
The media needs a Trump v. DeSantis race so they have something other than the looming Democrat replacement of Joe Biden to discuss for 18 months, and also because it ignites division on the political right in an era known for serious infighting. Because DeSantis’s emergence in the race is chalked up as such a certainty in the collective media, the collective right seems to find the contest a foregone conclusion. After all, President Trump is taking aim at the entire potential field, including DeSantis, on the regular. However, a vast majority of my Truth Social followers responding to my question on DeSantis’s potential candidacy consider it unlikely Ron will run in 2024.
Seven out of every eight voters in that very crude, unscientific poll believe DeSantis will not run. Granted, this is not something that would meet scrutiny for publication in a scientific journal, but this certainly reflects a wide gap between individual and collective perception of such a race occurring. For the record, this author recognizes DeSantis as the most effective “big state” governor in the country, who is leading the state that has come to be the “king” Republican state over the rapidly weakening Texas. Any commentary about DeSantis and his potential candidacy should be read simply as my observations on that particular topic, and not a treatise on any of the sidebar conversations maintained by his harshest critics.
Four Reasons DeSantis Won’t Run in 2024
1) My Cal Ripken, Jr., Theory
In the 2001 MLB All-Star Game, superstar Alex Rodriguez pulled out all the stops to make Cal Ripken, Jr., play shortstop, the position he had played for most of his career before age and decline mandated a move to third base, a position requiring less mobility. The position was Cal’s position, and he was going to go out playing his position in the last season of a Hall of Fame career.
Likewise, with most of the Republican base believing Trump was robbed in 2020, first dibs for pursuing the office of the Presidency belong to Trump. It is simple psychology for people to seek to correct a wrong in the simplest way possible, which is why the election integrity movement sought, and even still seeks, to restore Trump to the office as soon as possible. It took Trump’s November campaign announcement to force the eyes of most election integrity activists to the future after 24 months of looking to the past.
DeSantis is behind Trump in magnitude, but clearly ahead of any announced or potentially announcing candidates, like Haley, Mike Pence, Glenn Youngkin, or even Greg Abbott. DeSantis would therefore need to spend all his campaign energy attacking Donald Trump, a man he owes his entire governorship to and has modeled his leadership plan after. In attacking Trump, DeSantis would refute himself.
Without Trump’s endorsement in the 2018 Republican primary, DeSantis would have lost to Adam Putnam and never had the opportunity to win re-election in 2022 by the largest margin ever for a Republican in the Sunshine State. Trump was also instrumental in calling out the steal in Broward County that made the 2018 race between DeSantis and crackhead Andrew Gillum excruciatingly close.
Shortstop was Ripken’s. The Presidency is Trump’s.
2) The Trump Base is not the “GOP” Base
Donald Trump transformed the electoral map in 2016 in such a way that the Democrats couldn’t properly engineer the cheat, executing a working-class coalition shift and preserving the suburban, conservative, and evangelical Republican bases in such a way to prevent a Hillary Clinton presidency and legitimatize the populist revolution we currently abide under. A simple review of voter registration trends in Pennsylvania, North Carolina, and Florida strongly suggest that the influx of new “Republican” primary voters was brought about by the shift to Trumpism, which the mainstream media hate and many “conservative” media sources now riding MAGA’s coattails once treated with contempt.
I believe Florida, Ohio, Iowa, and North Carolina would be won by any Republican nominee in a fair election at this point; however, only Donald Trump can even begin to think of carrying the Industrial Midwestern states of Pennsylvania and Michigan that loom as critical pieces on the 2024 election chess board. These states that went to Trump in 2016, and certainly would have again in a free and fair election in 2020 and by larger margins, and their voters would be so disgusted by the Republican establishment lining up to crater the Trump campaign that they will not provide the needed enthusiasm edge in a hypothetical 2024 election to get DeSantis, or anyone else, over the top.
“Trump or bust” is a very real attitude in the Industrial Midwest.
Keep reading with a 7-day free trial
Subscribe to